No more may gulls cry at their ears Or waves break loud on the seashores; Where blew a flower may a flower no more Lift its head to the blows of the rain; Though they be mad and dead as nails, Heads of the characters hammer through daisies; Break in the sun till the sun breaks down, And death shall have no dominion.
All of us alive spend One life in living it, Another, thinking it. And the only life we have Is split between The true one and the false. But which is true And which is false No one can explain. And as we go on living, The life we spend's the one That's doomed to thinking.
Pope Pius IX. The reaction in Switzerland was not spectacular, but on a long-term basis effective: In St. Gallen a constitutional change in declared education to be a task of the state instead of the church.
Today most schools throughout Switzerland are run by the state, private schools are allowed, but only under public quality control. Industrialization had led to considerable immigration of catholics from rural areas into reformed cities like Zurich, Basel, Berne and Geneva.
In the Pope wanted to appoint separate Geneva from the diocese of Lausanne and appointed a bishop without consulting the local government first. The government refused to acknowledge the bishop — and the diocese of Lausanne and Geneva remained united till today.
The first Vatican council [bishop meeting] declared in against better knowledge the dogma of the "Infallibility of the Pope" [meaning: the Pope will never be wrong,, if he publicly announces a religious doctrine], although with exact study of the collection of church doctrines see Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum one may easily find examples, where a Pope declares doctrines of a predecessor to be found in the same collection as erroneous. So obviously one if not both must be "fallible".
When the bishop of Basel publicly supported the dogma, some , catholics left the Roman Catholic Church, only some 73, of them joined the Christian-Catholic old catholic church that formed in protest against the dogma in Switzerland, the Netherlands and Germany. When Bishop Lachat proceeded excluding priests opposing the dogma from the Roman Catholic Church, the cantonal governments declared him and 97 priests dismissed, 84 were expelled from Switzerland.
In the Federal Constitution was completely revised. The central administration became more important compared to the cantons, in other fields cantons remained responsible, but had to keep up to new federal standards. Referendums had proven to be a reasonable instrument and were now introduced on federal level as well.
Citizens moving to a different canton were granted full rights of vote after three months. This was to the benefit of catholics emigrating from central Switzerland to the big cities Zurich, Basel and Berne. In a new law standardized legal grounds for contracts and commerce throughout Switzerland.
The standardized civil code of came into effect in and remained valid since except for regulation on marriage, these were totally revised and adapted to modern concepts of a equal partnership in The struggle between state and church left its traces: The statement of civil status and the marriage ceremony, so far tasks of the churches became functions of the political authorities.
This meant a substantial restriction of church control over the life of citizens. The federation also received the authority "to take suitable action against interferences of church authorities into the rights of the citizens and the state".
The establishment of new dioceses became explicitly subject to the permission of the federation. The Jesuit order was banned and the foundation of new or reopening of closed monasteries was forbidden.
Jesuits in fact returned to Switzerland already early in the 20 th century, but the ban was formally removed from the constitution as late as Due to the election system that every constituency would send one member to the parlament, cantonal elections in gave a solid majority of two thirds to the conservatives in Ticino, while they had only won The conservative government prevented a referendum over a reform initiative.
Thereupon in a government member was shot and other taken hostage in an armed revolution. An intervention troop of the federation re-established the order and achieved a provisional reconciliation of the parties. Two revisions of the cantonal constitution in and redesigned the organization of constituencies and introduced election of a larger number of members of parliament per constituency in proportion to the number of votes given to the parties.
On federal level several approaches to introduce the proportional election mode failed. First the right to popular initiatives 50,, nowadays , voters can demand a referendum on a change to the constitution, known to several cantons since was introduced on federal level in And this was used in to finally bring about the proportional election mode on federal level.
The formerly dominant Free-Democratic Party FDP was limited to 63 out of seats, while the Catholic Conservative and the Social-Democratic party scored 41 each, several new smaller parties a total of Until all members of the federal had beed elected from the liberals. The government member Emil Welti had favoured the nationalization of railways, but was defeated clearly in a referendum, so he resigned.
In his place, Josef Zemp, a conservative and member of the supervisory board of a big railway company, was elected. Not all conservatives were happy to share responsibility of government, however. The way to the equal rights of women in politics and economy was particularly long and stony in Switzerland.
In England " Peace Society " and Geneva developed peace societies, which organized international congresses since By a convention [ agreement ] of the constant international Court of Justice was created into the Hague NL with the goal of solving disputes between the states by an arbitral tribunal instead of war.
Switzerland agreed in with France, Belgium, Great Britain, Italy, Austria — Hungary, Sweden and Norway that they would recognize the International Court of Justice as an arbitral tribunal if direct negotiations should not lead to an agreement. This contradicted the old principles of the confederation for bearing no strange judges was however regarding the material balance of power between small Switzerland and it surrounding great powers surely not only intelligent, but urgently required. And furthermore it was a first step towards democratic principles between countries.
Pour la mise en pratique de ce principe, il faut faire une distinction entre les trois pouvoirs. In particular, the article aims to show that the Democritus was an integral part of the communist movement. Allies and opponents are discussed in the framework of political events in Australia and Greece. Whilst this article touches upon the industrial and union sectors, its main focus remains on the political history of the Democritus League. Lack of sufficient data about its role in the broader industrial and labour movements, particularly in the post-war period, has placed obvious limitations on the article.
Nevertheless, a number of generalisations could be drawn about Democritus and how it compares to other immigrant organisations of the Left in this setting. Whilst the ILM was formed as a result of a perceived need to establish an ethno-specific anti fascist organisation aimed at defeating fascism in Italy , by end of the the organisation was in decline largely due to its inability to influence the Catholic Italian masses to its cause. The Greek Civil War —49 and its ability to attract certain Greek migrant workers to its ranks in times of economic hardship and during the period of mass migration were largely responsible for its longevity.
Its support for the Greek communist guerrillas during the civil war ensured it a reliable support base within the Greek community, while its advocacy role on behalf of certain Greek immigrant workers further cemented this base in Australia.
While its ties to the Greek, Australian and International communist movements proved in later years to be its Achilles heal,8 its longevity was also enhanced through this association, with Democritus bound to the lows and highs of these movements.
The post-war period provided both opportunities and challenges for Democritus. As expected, its communist tag proved a liability while the influx of Greek migrant workers in the s and s provided it with an ideal opportunity to enhance its membership and support base. While the League acted and remained involved in this area, its effectiveness began to suffer as result of internal divisions in the communist movement in s and early s. Organisations such as the Federation of Italian Labourers and their Families FILEF also manoeuvred in an industrial and union setting where demand for an ethno-specific labour organisation appeared warranted.
Its effectiveness as an advocacy body for Greek workers and migrants was also curtailed by the Greek language newspaper Neos Kosmos which took on a significant role in promoting identical issues in the Greek community. It also maintained a partisan role and encouraged migrant involvement in the union movement.
Its activism in this area dates back to the hardships faced by the unemployed in the Greek controlled food and catering businesses of the s.
Whilst its affinity to the communist movement contributed to its demise, these same ties also explain its longevity and relevance in at least until the appearance of ideological cracks in the movement. The Greek community in Australia in the pre-World War II era was small and did not appear to exceed 15, persons at any one time, with more permanent settlements established in urban centres in the s and 30s.
Between and the census year of , the Commonwealth censuses were mostly recorded on a ten-year cycle, beginning with In terms of Greece-born residents in Australia, were recorded in ; 1, in ; 3, in ; 8, in and 12, in Although they are a useful tool for determining the number of Greece-born settlers in Australia, the Commonwealth censuses are not without their limitations.
Temporary Greek migrants may have been missed in the inter-censal periods, with researchers also facing the problem of distinguishing in the Census statistics ethnic identity from nationality. As the censuses concentrate on birth-place, they do not include those ethnic Greeks born in places such as Turkey, Egypt or even the Australia-born children of Greece-born parents.
Furthermore, ethnic Greeks from regions not claimed by the Greek state did not register Greece as their birthplace. In addition to islanders, Greek settlers originated from Greek Macedonia and from regions outside the borders of the then Greek State such as Turkey and Cyprus. From the beginning of the twentieth century to the end of the Greek Civil War, Greece remained a relatively underdeveloped country with limited sources of income, prompted by ongoing wars and political instability. The absence of compulsory education during this period meant that illiteracy among Greek settlers was relatively high, particularly in rural districts with illiteracy higher amongst women than men.
Districts of origin with high levels of illiteracy included Ithaca, Kythera and northern parts of Greek Macedonia. From a population of approximately 15, Greeks that arrived between and , over 6, repatriated, particularly during the depression years of — According to the Census, approximately 16 per cent of the Greece-born workforce was unemployed, while the Census recorded a seven per cent unemployment rate.
A worsening economy and rate of unemployment also led to further cuts in the quota in and It was very much a communist-led organisation with its leadership aligned to the Soviet Union and the Moscow-aligned communist parties in Greece and Australia.
In spite of this, it also functioned as an informal venue for community gatherings open to all Greeks irrespective of their political orientation and district of origin. It was not uncommon for Greek organisations in the years prior to mass migration to take on the role of catering for the broader welfare, philanthropic and social needs of the small Greek community. This was particularly the case during difficult economic times, with regional brotherhoods at the forefront of this activity.
Arguably, the most significant event to impact upon Democritus was the Greek civil war —49 in which the Communist Party of Greece KKE was a major protagonist and more importantly, the loser in the conflict.
By the end of the War, Democritus had transformed into the unofficial representative of the KKE and its interests in Melbourne. Although regular meetings were held, it is questionable whether these constituted formal CPA branch meetings. Settlers from these regions were said to have been exposed to communism through seafaring and their proximity to the Black Sea and Russia. His mixture of politics and religion made him stand out amongst his compatriots.
Instead, his views about the co-existence between religion and Marxism often led to clashes between him and his small group of friends mainly from Asia Minor with whom he socialised during his three month stint as a grape picker an occupation familiar to Micrasiates in Mildura.
The majority of Greeks at the time were concerned more about securing employment in a difficult labour market than on political affairs. In spite of this, there were attempts by a few Greeks between and to form into an organised unit. These attempts failed and were attributed by oral sources to community indifference and on perceived xenophobic attitudes of the local Mildura ALP branch.
Although little is known about these men and their activities, the oral evidence suggests that they were committed communists. It is presumed that he embraced his political beliefs in Australia and is said to have tried to involve other Greeks in the broader trade union movement. See J. Jupp ed. See bibliographical references in C. Also consult C. Lever-Tracy and M. Since , the term has been employed by C. Also, see J. Kakakios, M. Bottomley and M.
Others, like G. Storer ed. See S. Kourbetis, Ethnicity versus Class? Price, Southern Europeans in Australia, p. Price, Southern Europeans in Australia, pp. See T. Ferry, Alien Immigration Commission.
Elsewhere in his report however, the issue of race appears to be a primary motive for opposing southern Europeans. See C. Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, pp. Allimonos, Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne. On this matter see Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, p.
CP of — Greek National Fraction, memo no. Some of the earliest Greek communists from Ithaca are said to have been A. Vrettos, S. Rikaletos, J. Black, C. Kantiliotis and one Zimbatos. Interview with Stathis Raftopoulos, 5 October Even prior to the Russian revolution, Asia Minor Greeks shared a common bond with Russia because of its Orthodox faith and its historic anti-Ottoman Turkish stance with influenced by the Bolsheviks before a communist presence took root in mainland Greece.
Doukas arrived from Greece in and in He re-entered Australia in Interview with Chris Zigouras, 1 October Truth, 9 December , p. The Archive is held by the Democritus League. The person most responsible for developing links with Democritus was Kay Tsounis, secretary of the League between and Also, see typed manuscript held by the author on Greek communist activity by G.
Tsitas was a member of Democritus and a pro-communist. Chris Zigouras was involved with Greek communists in Mildura but did not belong to any Party. Information derived from Della Elliot daughter of Xenodohos and D. Kalomiris on Georgoulis in S. Georgoulis was known for his religious beliefs, while very little is known about Zavogiannis who is believed to have arrived in Australia at the start of the twentieth century. Greek Democritus League. See Greek Organisations — Supplementary Report.
Victoria, 19 March and Alleged Communists said to be engaged in Subversive activities in Australia, 12 December Abstract This article examines the intrinsic relationship between direct and economic democracy as it was exemplified in the case of classical Athens.
The aim is to show that the final failure of the Athenian democracy was not due, as is usually asserted, to the innate weaknesses of direct democracy but, firstly, due to the fact that it always remained partial, embracing only part of its population, and, second, that it was never completed by a corresponding economic democracy.
This fact implies that any attempt today at establishing direct democracy, which is not complemented by economic democracy, is condemned to failure.
As I will try to show, however, the development of the Athenian democracy amongst its citizens that is with the slaves and women excluded kept pace with a determined effort to diminish the socio-economic differences between the citizens.
Also, the decline itself of the Athenian democracy was, in my view, directly connected with its failure to become universal, and with the contradiction created by the fact that the political equality which the Athenian democracy had established for its citizens was, in the last instance, founded on economic inequality. If we define political democracy, which in its authentic form takes the type of direct democracy, as the authority of the people demos in the political sphere, a fact that implies political equality, then the authentic economic democracy could be correspondingly defined as the authority of demos in the social sphere, the sphere of ownership and wealth, a fact that implies economic equality.
And, of course, we are talking about the demos and not the state, because the state means a mechanism separate from society, which in present-day representative capitalist democracy is controlled by economic and political elites. Economic democracy, therefore, relates to every social system that tends to minimize the socio-economic differences and in particular those differences which are due to the unequal distribution of private property and the consequent unequal distribution of income and wealth.
Finally, economic democracy refers both to the mode of production and to the distribution of social product and wealth. As regards, firstly, the mode of production in ancient Athens, it is well known that the basis of the ancient Greek city was the small independent production of farmers and craftsmen, and not slavery.
Slavery, therefore, played a decisive role in the production of economic surplus only as regards the production that was under the control of the state e. That is the reason why they define this system appropriation by right of citizenship.
In other words , the mechanisms through which the surplus that usually takes the form of spoils, and tribute income from subservient states, but also income from taxes imposed on the citizens themselves , is extracted and distributed are not economic, but basically political. The consequence is that the struggle between social groups takes also a political form, mainly as a conflict between the supporters of oligarchy oligarchs and the supporters of democracy democrats.
On the other hand, the democrats,  who were made up mainly of the lower income strata although their leaders did not, as a rule, belong to these strata , demanded the broadening of political rights, the increase of expenditure for public works, the payment of salaries with regard to the exercise of public duties, etc.
Whereas, therefore, in present day Western democracy the concentration of economic power implies a corresponding concentration of political power, in the Athenian democracy the opposite was true, and the rise to power of the oligarchs was accompanied by a tendency toward economic concentration.
That is, the more citizens were able to partake in the distributed State revenue, through the possibility of holding state office, their participation in the construction of public works, etc. Thus, in the Athenian democracy the process for completing political democracy amongst free citizens was accompanied by a parallel process for the broadening-in the above context-of economic democracy.
The differentiating characteristic of the Athenian democracy at its peak period, in relation to any other system in the ancient world until today, was a collective conscious effort for the continuous broadening and deepening of political democracy and, to a point, of economic democracy.
The importance today of the Athenian experience is not only that it shows the possibility, under certain preconditions, for the organizing and functioning of present-day society on the basis of the principles of direct democracy, which are the only ones that may secure real democracy.
Its importance lies also in the fact that it illustrates the incompatibility of political democracy and economic oligarchy. The first, period prior to Solon, is characterised by a significant concentration of economic and political power.
According to recent research,  the relationship of the Hectemoroi was not simply the result of economic pressures and debts, but expressed a traditional social status of inferiority which came into existence during the Greek Adark ages B. In particular all those Hectemoroi who could not pay their rent or, in general, all debtors who were not in a position to pay their loans, lost , both they and their children, their very freedom.
Political power was still weak, since real power rested with a few influential families who controlled economic and military power. The few political offices nine archons , the Council of the Areopagus, etc.
What is not, however, in dispute is that the right to be elected to the higher offices was monopolised during that period by the upper social and economic strata. This condition of political and economic oligarchy, combined with important economic changes in production and export trade, led to hard competition between rich and poor, to which Solon was already referring in his poems at the beginning of the sixth century.
It should be noted here that the Seisachtheia was not simply a law abolishing debts, as is usually asserted. An alternative explanation, based on the fact that Solon in his Iamboi does not refer to debts, is that the Seisachtheia abolished the relationship of the economic dependence of the Hectemoroi , who then probably acquired full rights of ownership of the land that they were cultivating.
Equally important steps in the limitation of economic power of the oligarchy were the introduction of an extremely progressive income tax to cover emergency needs on top of the usual indirect taxes and the shifting of the burden of the expenses for the public duties litourgies as well as of a great part of military expenses on to the higher classes. These very important steps towards economic democracy were accompanied by corresponding political reforms.
Even the very right to vote was not universal, since it belonged to those who were enlisted in some family group genos and many Athenians at that time did not belong to a genos. Yet, despite all the ahistorical descriptions which accompanied the celebrations for the 2, years of democracy, the Athenian democracy was not completed with Cleisthenes.
It took another twenty or thirty years before election by lot was first introduced for the archons with the exception of the office of general which required specialised knowledge and experience C B. Cand for the property criterion which excluded the lower strata from higher offices to be abolished after the battle of Plataia, in B. Finally, almost another twenty years had to pass for the Areios Pagos whose members still belonged to the two richer classes to be deprived of its privileges, which were transferred to the Assembly of the People, the Council of the Five Hundred, and the jury courts B.
The completion of Athenian democracy was associated with the era of Pericles when both political and economic democracy reached their peak.
Economic democracy also peaked at this time, because it was then that compensation for public duties was established judicial salary for jury duty, assembly salary for participation in the ecclesia , salary for deputies, soldiers, etc.
It is therefore not accidental that the greatest achievements of the ancient Greek civilization were accomplished during the Periclean era.
This deepening of economic democracy, however, was not only the outcome of the decisions of the Assembly of the People or the prompting of Pericles. An external factor, the Persian Wars, played a decisive role. The Persian Wars had a double economic effect. First, as Paparregopoulos mentions, given that the privileged position of the higher classes depended basically on land income which, Abecause of the repeated destruction of Attica, it disappeared, so that the poor became on this point similar to the wealthy, and with equality of services combined with the albeit temporary equality of properties, it was very natural to bring about during these critical years the equality of rights.
We should particularly stress here the importance of pecuniary compensation in the democratization process. The establishment of any democratic institution in the political sphere is self-cancelling when a large number of its citizens are not in an objective economic position to spend the necessary time required for an effective participation in the democratic procedures. This is because time was, and still is, a huge source of social power. In the democratic Athens of Cleisthenes, in theory, everybody could be elected to the highest offices, while in reality, the lower strata were excluded.
As Paparregopoulos notes, not even the method of election by lot helped these strata. Nor did [the poor]regularly attend the Assembly of the People and the courts of the heliasts because they could not abandon, for this purpose, their income-earning jobs.
And of course it should not be forgotten that despite the significance of participating in the Assembly of the People, the fact that the ecclesia assembled only four times in the thirty five days of prytany meant that the office of, for example, a deputy or an archon carried significant and disproportionate weight in the decision-making process.
As regards the importance of free time for the functioning of democracy, we could also assume that slavery was not only significant, as it is usually maintained by Marxists, because it created the economic surplus that was necessary for the survival of society in general.
In any case, slavery existed in all ancient societies, none of which, however, created democratic institutions similar to those of Athens. In reality, slavery was helping the reproduction of oligarchy and not of democracy. Since slave-ownership was a function of the distribution of income and wealth, the rich who owned more slaves to do work for them had more time at their disposal for office duties, or even for participation in the Assembly of the People, compared to the lower strata who usually possessed no slaves at all.
For this reason the system of compensation for public servants, introduced by Pericles, formed a necessary counterbalancing factor to the unequal distribution of free time.
The conflict between Cimon and Pericles had as its basis the preconditions for political democracy. On the contrary, Pericles discerned, just like the socialist movement, the merely formal character of political rights when they are unaccompanied by social and economic rights.
With the aim therefore of diminishing the economic inequality among citizens, a precondition for political equality, Pericles introduced the system of compensations.
The establishment of the Athenian hegemony over other Greek cities played exactly this role. First, the relative economic equality, brought about by the Persian Wars, was completely temporary. The expansion of trade that had followed the Persian War  led to concentration of economic power and greater inequality in the distribution of income and wealth.
As Paparregopoulos stresses,. Second, democracy amongst the free citizens was founded, in the last instance, on political and economic inequality, not only in regard to the slaves and the women who never had equal rights, but also in regard to the allies cities. It was precisely the imposition of unequal political and economic relations by the hegemonic Athens on her allies that finally led to the Peloponnesian War  and the end of the Athenian hegemony, with obvious consequences on the public treasury.
With the end of the war and the collapse of the Athenian hegemony, the basic financial source of the economic democracy also dried up. Public revenue was no longer enough, without significant cuts in military spending, to finance the two main ways of supporting the income of the poorer strata that Pericles had used; namely, what we would today call Keynesian public works and the parallel expansion of payments for salaries, etc.
The inevitable consequence was the further weakening of the military strength of the city the increasing use of mercenaries contributed significantly to this process that finally brought about the end of democracy itself. In other words, given that Athens was no longer in a position to impose any more external taxes which would finance its internal economic democracy, the precondition for the continuation of political democracy was its universalization so as to include all the city residents free citizens, women, slaves and the further development of economic democracy.
This democracy would not be based, as before, on the external financing of the huge public expenditures, but on the drastic reduction of the economic inequality amongst residents, through the heavier taxing of the higher strata and the parallel abolition of slavery which functioned as a disincentive for productive work. The final failure, therefore, of Athenian democracy was not due, as is usually asserted, to the innate weaknesses of direct democracy but, firstly, due to the fact that it always remained partial, embracing only part of its population, and, second, that it was never completed by a corresponding economic democracy.
This fact implies that any attempt at deepening political democracy today, through the establishment of direct democratic institutions, is condemned to failure if it is not accompanied by a parallel process of deepening economic democracy. It should not be forgotten that if economic inequality undermined and finally led to the collapse of Athenian democracy, such economic inequality is not only compatible with the political inequality of present day Aliberal oligarchy, but it also forms the basis that reproduces it.
The distinction between democrats and oligarchs, on the basis of the criterion used in the text, is consistent with the definition of democracy given by Aristotle as the case where government is in the hands of the majority of the poor and free citizens, and of oligarchy as the case in which government is in the hands of the minority of the rich and aristocrats.
Karitsiotes: What's in our DNA? Stelios ChagiasDimitris Katsampis"Science that reveals our ancient and prehistoric ancestry"Between and six fellow villagers from various On Sunday all roads lead to the annual Karitsiotes get together. Katerina Richards heralds new era in Brotherhood of Karitsa. Congratulations to Katerina Richards who was elected president of the Brotherhood of Karitsa at yesterday's handover meeting between the outgoing and Soccer: Young Peter Katsambis shooting for the stars.
With the completion of the soccer season we pause to reflect and applaud the great progress of a young Karitsa boy, Peter Katsambis, year-old Brotherhood of Karitsa: General Members' Meeting The biennial general meeting of members of the Brotherhood of Karitsa, based in South Australia, was held on Sunday 12 October at the Goodwood
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